The Pardons Board must meet in the presence of and be presided over by the YdPA. The prerogative of mercy [29] The power housed in A. 42 is essentially the prerogative of mercy. The royal prerogative of mercy is described as an executive power by its inclusion in Chapter 3 of Part IV of the Federal Constitution. (See: Public Prosecutor v Soon Seng Sia [1979] 2 MLJ 170, Sim Kie Chon v Superintendent of Pudu Prison & Ors [1985] 2 MLJ 385). [30] Mercy is not the subject of legal rights. Legal rights fall within the province of the courts. Once legal rights end, the individual’s recourse is to petition for mercy. The exercise of such mercy is the prerogative of the YdPA, who has the discretion to take into account matters which are extra judicial. [31] In Sim Kie Chon v Superintendent of Pudu Prison & Ors (supra), the Supreme Court held, It is our considered view that the power of mercy is a high prerogative exercisable by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong or the Ruler of a State or the Yang di-Pertuan Negeri, as the case may be, who acts with the greatest conscience and care and without fear of influence from any quarter. (See Hanratty and Another v Lord Butler of Saffron Walden) (1971) 115 Solicitors Journal p 386. [32] In Public Prosecutor v Soon Seng Sia (supra), the Federal Court held, When considering whether to confirm, commute, remit or pardon, His Majesty does not sit as a court, is entitled to take into consideration matters which courts bound by the law of evidence cannot take into account, and decides each case on grounds of public policy; such decisions are a matter solely for the executive. We cannot confirm or vary them; we have no jurisdiction to do so. [33] The exercise of the prerogative of mercy in the Federal Constitution is better appreciated when viewed in its historical context. In this regard, I find valuable guidance in the judgment of Zainun JCA (as she then was) in Dato' Dr Zambry bin Abd Kadir v Dato' Seri Ir Hj Mohammad Nizar bin Jamaluddin (Attorney General of Malaysia, intervener) [2009] 5 MLJ 464, a case relied on by the Respondents. [34] The relevant portion of her judgment reads, [180] Therefore the importance of a brief outline on the issue of Royal Prerogatives, including discretionary and residual powers would be helpful. [181] I believe that most lawyers dealing with matters relating to prerogatives would gravitate towards its meaning from the English position. Intertwined as it is with conventions, they can see that most conventions are derived from English constitutional practice, some of which are incorporated in the Federal Constitution itself. Examples are those conventions connected to the dissolution of Parliament or State Legislative Assembly and appointment of the Prime Minister. These discretionary and prerogative powers are enjoyed exclusively by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and the Rulers, respectively. [182] Thus, it might be instructive to make a quick run past the English Prerogative history, in order to understand ours. I will for this purpose, disregard the period before, but would start with the abolition of the Court of Star Chamber in England then. [183] Soon after its abolition, the Privy Council was established. Over the years the powers of the Privy Council gave legal form to certain decisions of the government, whilst the Cabinet exercised its policy-making functions of the executive. [184] The Monarch in all of these as Head of State and the government, is personified for Crown purposes. For both the Monarch and government to govern, powers are needed to able them to perform their constitutional functions. In any case, the rule of law requires that these powers are grounded in law and not outside of the system. [185] However the power of the Monarch and the Crown must either be derived from Acts of Parliament or they must be recognised as a matter of common law. Thus in the 17th century, constitutional settlements and the powers of the Crown, were subject to laws and that there were no powers of the Crown which could not be taken away or controlled by statute. Once that is achieved, the courts then accepted that the Monarch and the Crown enjoyed certain powers, rights, immunities and privileges which were necessary for the maintenance of government. These powers were not shared with private citizens. The terms prerogatives was used as a collective description of these matters. As Blackstone defined it: …The medieval King was doth Head of the Kingdom and feudal Lord. He had powers accounted for by the need to preserve the realm against external enemies and an undefined residual power which he might use for the public good … (Emphasis added.) [186] As we shall see later, Blackstone's definition holds true too in this country. [187] Back in England again, the common lawyers informed the Stuart Kings that there were two types of prerogatives. Ordinary and absolute prerogative. [188] The ordinary prerogatives meant that royal functions could only be exercised in defined ways for a specific purpose. In this context, the King dispenses some of his administrative powers through the Ministers; his judicial functions through his judges. [189] The absolute prerogative powers are those which the King exercises in his discretion. They include powers of pardon, of giving honours, property and rights, franchise and treasure troves, of acts of state and a host of others, both internal and external matters. Of these the most important prerogative power is I believe, in relation to the Ruler's prerogative in the exercise of his executive authority. [190] If the English prerogative powers seem undefined, the position in this country appears to be the same. Before our Independence, the Crown Territories of Penang and Malacca received the English prerogatives at common law, which ceased upon Independence. However the executive and discretionary powers conferred on the Governors of Penang, Malacca, Sabah and Sarawak are defined by their respective Constitutions. [191] The nine Rulers in the Malay States are indigenous Rulers and enjoyed their own prerogatives all along. Inasmuch as extra-constitutional prerogatives if any were carefully considered by the framers of our Constitution, being mindful of the maintenance of the separation of powers, it nevertheless allowed more than a modicum of prerogative and discretionary powers to the Rulers. It would be said that the tone of the negotiations and agreements prior to Independence was based largely on maintaining the balance of differing interests, yet compromising to a large extent to protect and preserve the indigenous rights of the Malay Rulers. An understanding of these fundamentals must be carefully read and understood. [192] Thus the traditional prerogatives of the Rulers remain and are buttressed by the Constitution of the respective states. In fact upon independence, our Constitution as drafted under the Chairmanship of Lord Reid, preserved and indeed enhanced the monarchy in Malaysia in several ways as seen in its provisions. [193] However, over the years, even with the guarantee of protection as provided for in art 71, and the preservation of these rights in art 181, some of these prerogative rights have been whittled away by amendments to the Federal Constitution. [194] As constitutional monarchs, the powers of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and the State Rulers are defined in the respective Constitutions. Generally, the duty of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong is to act upon Ministerial advice. His powers are more circumscribed. The State Ruler's position is much the same, though it appears that they have more latitude in their respective states. Although in some, limitations are placed by way of conventions. [195] What is rarely displayed however, is the fact that the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and Rulers are seised with prerogative privileges and residual rights and powers. Some of which are expressed, others implied. [196] In this regard, His Royal Highness' Royal Prerogatives are drawn up in art LXVII and art X of the Perak State Constitution. Article X reads: