The power to make laws conferred by this Article is exercisable subject to any conditions or restrictions imposed with respect to any particular matter by this Constitution.”. 21 [27] In my judgment, the above constitutional provisions highlight the fundamental principle relating to the power of Parliament to make law in respect of a particular matter pursuant to Article 74(1) of the Federal Constitution. Contrast this with Article 4(3) that allows a law to be challenged on the ground that Parliament has legislated on a matter that it had no power at all to do. If Parliament had legislated on a matter that it has power but the legislation is contrary to any conditions or restrictions imposed with respect to any particular matter by the Federal Constitution, such legislation is unlawful. [28] In Faridah Begum bt Abdullah v Sultan Haji Ahmad Shah Al Mustain Billah [1996] 1 MLJ 617 (“Faridah Begum”), the plaintiff who was a Singapore citizen, sued the Sultan of Pahang in his personal capacity for alleged libel and for damages in the Special Court established under Article 182 of the Federal Constitution. The Court had to consider whether a Singaporean citizen could sue a Ruler in the Special Court under Article 182. Eusoff Chin CJ in his judgment states as follows: “Therefore, even if Parliament were to confer by express language under art 182, any right on a Singapore citizen to sue the Yang di-Pertuan Agong or a Ruler, such conferment of right is unlawful 22 under art 155 and is of no effect, unless similar right is given to a Malaysian citizen in Singapore to sue the Singapore President. It is true that our Parliament has wide legislative powers to make laws under arts 73(a) and 74 of the Constitution. But Article 74(3), which states, restricts such power: 74(3) the power to make laws conferred by this Article is exercisable subject to any conditions or restrictions imposed with respect to any particular matter by this Constitution. In this particular case, Parliament’s legislative power is subject to the special provision of art 155 of the Constitution, so that even if Parliament were to confer a right on a Singapore citizen to sue the Yang di-Pertuan Agong or a Ruler, such conferment of right is illegal and ultra vires art 155.”. [29] It is thus clear that where Parliament has the legislative competence to enact a law, the constitutional validity of the law still depends on any conditions or restrictions imposed with respect to any particular matter by the Federal Constitution. The constitutionality validity of the law can then be challenged in the High Court and in such a situation the matter is not within the exclusive original jurisdiction of the Federal Court. An important point to note is that in Faridah Begum’s case, the determination of the issue of illegality of the relevant provisions was not preceded with leave of a judge of the Federal Court under Article 4(4) of the 23 Federal Constitution. Article 74(3) of the Federal Constitution therefore is of no support to applicant’s contention. [30] At this juncture, it is opportune that I refer to the case of Merdeka University, that was cited by learned counsel for the applicant to support his arguments that Parliament had no powers to make the impugned provisions and therefore the provisions are invalid. Heavy reliance is placed by learned counsel on a passage of the judgment of the Federal Court to the effect that if Merdeka University is established, it would be a public authority and that there is no right therefore to use the Chinese language as the main medium of instruction for the official purpose, of which the use may be prohibited under Article 152 of the Federal Constitution. It is necessary to appreciate what that case concerns. In that case, the Government of Malaysia rejected the Merdeka University’s petition to establish a private university called Merdeka University on the following grounds: the University would use Chinese as the medium of instruction; the University would cater for students from Chinese independent; secondary schools; and the University would be set up in the private sector, and its establishment would be contrary to the National Education Policy. As a result, Merdeka University filed a suit in the High Court seeking declarations that such a rejection was null and void because it contravened the 24 Federal Constitution, and was an unreasonable and improper exercise of the Yang Di-Pertuan Agong’s discretion conferred upon by section 6 of the Universities and University Colleges Act 1971. The issue in that case is essentially whether the Government had acted constitutionally, reasonably and fairly; was there also any proper basis in law for His Majesty to not be satisfied that it is “expedient in the national interest” to establish Merdeka University as per section 6 of the Universities and University Colleges Act